• Food Culture in the Context of Identity
  • Food Culture in the Context of Identity
  • Food Culture in the Context of Identity

Ideology or culture, in this sense, refers to a complex that encompasses all signification practices and symbolic processes in a given society; it implies the way individuals 'live' these practices (which fall under the domain of politics, economics, kinship theory, etc.) rather than their own social practices...

The Ideology of Food or The Food of Ideology: Food Culture in the Context of Identity 
Mumtaz Firat
Conceptual Framework
A relationship to be established between ideology and food may seem strange at first glance. In this article, although not at the center of our discussion; we envision it as our own sheltered space that distinguishes us from others, and we will summarize this in the following sections. But the first thing I want to draw your attention to is; is the transformation of food as a cultural code into the object of ideologies and its relations with identity. One day, we all see ourselves as part of the collective identity of an environment that we did not contribute to create when we were born. Ideology is one of the main figures in the mortar of this social identity to which we belong.
This thing that separates us from others is an important determinant in the determination of our borders. We only we become more aware of ourselves and others when we are largely borderline. Despite the unlimited universality of Sociology of Food, we acquire a performative identity at the borders of food. 
If we go back to the title of the ideology of food or the food of the ideology, we would like to explain the food culture, which has created an ever-expanding cultural circle in recent years, with the ideology of food. This space, which puts food at the center and expands, is one side of the ideological domain of food. We are talking about a huge area from thousands of cookbooks to food pages of daily newspapers, from food magazines to television channels and programs, from movies to cooking competitions, from cooking schools to food departments of universities, from restaurants to fast foots. The concept of food of ideology; It expresses the food culture shaped by our worldview that shapes our values, attitudes and behaviors and points to another ideological field of food. In other words, it should be understood as the application of our ideologies, which are a part of our class/ethnic/political identity, to food culture as semiotic tools. The first of these; consumer society, and the other points to the field of cultural reproduction, which is the main subject of this article. 
Terry Eagleton in his work titled Ideology; He says that it is possible to roughly define ideology in six different ways, which are becoming more and more prominent (Eagleton, 1996:55). He defines ideology in the sense of culture, which he considers the most general among these definitions: … we can say that ideology is the general material process that produces ideas, beliefs and values ​​in social life. Such a definition is both politically and epistemologically neutral and close to 'culture' in the broad sense of the term. 
Ideology or culture, in this sense, refers to a complex that encompasses all signification practices and symbolic processes in a given society; it implies the way individuals 'live' these practices (which fall under the domain of politics, economics, kinship theory, etc.) rather than their own social practices (Eagleton, 1996:55). However, he states that this usage includes a narrower usage area than the meaning of 'culture' in the anthropological sense and explains the difference between culture and ideology in terms of food as follows: ideology does not just mean the meaning-making practices in a society, for example, about food; moreover, it encompasses the relationship between political power processes and these indicators. Ideology does not coincide with the general field of 'culture', it illuminates this field from a certain angle (Eagleton, 1996:55).  
Commenting on the relationship between food culture and ideology by drawing a more explanatory framework, Roland Barthes said: “Food creates a communication system, a set of images, a protocol of use, situation and behavior that marks the existing social boundaries and associations in the society” (Cited by Orkun,2009:2). says. However, while this relationship carries the traces of individuals' collective identities, it also contains messages about the individual's personal characteristics. Jean Anthelme Brillat-Savarin, one of the food and beverage masters of the 18th century, says in a famous proverb: “Tell me what you ate; Let me tell you who you are (Bober, 2003:12).” 
Ideology is involved in everything in human life. As such, it is impossible for a nation not to be affected by the ideology of the food it eats and its eating style. A national cuisine is not only a product of the national economy, but also a product of a world view (Document, 2001:35). While trying to explain the relationship between food culture and ideology, Belge uses ideology more in the sense of worldview and can reflect history as much as a national cuisine, a national dress, and summarizes the situation as a whole understanding of life and worldview (Belge, 2001:38). 
It can be said that there is a complex but ultimately mutually affirming relationship between ideology and identity. This relationship, which is based on references such as belonging and legitimacy, is always reconstructed historically and spatially. In these construction processes, the semiotic meanings of nutrition and food culture are also widely applied. As a typical example, lavish dinner tables can be taken. Throughout history, they have been an indicator of the power and magnificence of the rulers on the one hand, and a source of anger for the poor on the other. In our folk literature, besides the verses filled with praise on the tables of aghas, gentlemen and masters, the number of those who denounced this situation is not small.  
Since nutritional practices are an actual mediation of political relations, it is necessary to think about the implicit role these practices play in long-term historical changes. Do not nutritional practices contribute to the 'togetherness' of political societies, their 'world of meaning', in an implicit but consequential way (Bayart, 1999: 171)? Here, we will review the situations where the food culture, which is a part of the cultural identity in general, overlaps with the community identity. While doing this, we will try to deal with the relationship between food and the symbolic establishment of the community with religious, national, class, ethnic and individual boundaries, starting from the anthropologically primitive. Considering food only as a natural means of nutrition, we think that there will be a great deficiency in conceptualizing its place in social imagination. 
Beliefs and Food 
According to archaic vision, drinking and eating are equally complex processes. A person who swallows something will both control what he eats and fall into their hands. Because things have a life of their own. The plant and animal that man eats (cannibalism is irrelevant) has an immediate effect on man; According to whether it is friend or foe, it either unites with humanity or is against it (Schivelbusch, 2000: 162). Again, anthropological findings show that people's relationship with food is two-way in the belief of totemism. It focuses on the effects on the eater of the extraordinary powers believed to exist in food, while leading to an effect on humans that limits their role as consumers.  
For this reason, their relations with animals and plants, which they accepted as their totems, were bound to certain rules. Different clans had different plant or animal totems. In a sense, they determined the borders between the clans through these symbols. Also, which foods can be eaten by which members of the clan; They made categorical distinctions based on gender, age and similar variables. Certain animals … are fit to be eaten by men, others by women, others by children, others by women. The remaining others are considered completely invincible. 
The rejected animals are also in ambiguity according to their classification scheme, as they are unsuitable for consumption by men and women in one way or another. Their animal taxonomy includes nocturnal animals from diurnal animals; the above animals (birds, squirrels, monkeys) from the animals below; distinguishes aquatic animals from land animals. Those whose behavior is ambiguous are taken as one or the other kind of anomaly and removed from the diet list (Morris, 2004:328). The article* written by Barthes, which deals with these limits semiotically in modern times, on the totem drink of the French nation*, is worth examining. This classification of foods continued through the categories of haram-halal in monotheistic religions. The Rite of Bread and Wine, a special ritual within the Christian faith, 
In the metaphorical use of bread and wine in Christianity; Hz. Jesus' last supper is a special part of the Christian liturgy. In the Gospel of Matthew, one of the synoptic Gospels, Jesus' last supper is described as follows: “While they were eating, Jesus took bread, gave thanks and broke it, and gave it to the disciples and said: Take it, eat it, this is my body. And he took a bowl, gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, Drink from this. For this is my blood, the blood of the covenant that is shed for many for the forgiveness of sins. But I say to you: Until that day, I will drink it fresh with you in my father's kingdom, and I will no longer drink of this fruit of the vine.** In Judaism, the Prophet. The unleavened bread made on Passover, which celebrates the Exodus from Egypt under the leadership of Moses, is a metaphor used to refer to this sacred past. 
Ashura, which symbolizes salvation from the flood in the Islamic belief, is also a metaphor used to commemorate the 'Karbala Incident', which has a special importance in Shiism and Alevism. Apart from these, prohibitions or approvals about animals such as pigs, rabbits and cows are used to symbolize certain religious beliefs; It is widely used in narratives such as legends, divine texts and contemporary literature. These metaphors are invoked in political problems and used in various ways. … 
if agitators threw pig corpses in front of mosques or deliberately abused cows to rouse congregations in India, anti-Semitic violence in Russia often cited the role of Jews in the vodka trade, and restrictions on alcohol consumption in South Africa, where the fight against apartheid became clear (Bayart, 1999: 170). According to a newspaper report dated March 19, 2009, it was reported that a note saying “Stop Islam” was placed next to the pig's head hanging on the fence outside the mosque in the Czech Republic.*** 
An Arabic proverb provides important clues that make people smile about how the human-food relationship penetrates beliefs; 'What do the people in heaven eat? Buttered rice (Act.Fragner, 2000: 90).  
Mass Meal 
The metaphor of collective food is among the instrumental indicators used to signify social, religious and political solidarity practices. Bayart thinks that nutritional practices seem to be integrating rather than conflict. In addition to reinforcing solidarity within the community, it is seen that collective food practices are used as a representation of power within the community. The Plunder**** tradition in Central Asia is among the tools used to reinforce community solidarity and leadership.***** This app-
* See: Barthes, R. (2003), Contemporary Myths, pp.68-71
** Eroğlu, A.Hikmet, Differences in understanding between Catholics and Protestants on the Bread-Wine Rite (Eyharistiya). http://dergiler.ankara.edu.tr/dergiler/37/779/9980.pdf
*** See: The news titled “Pig head cut off to mosque” in Hürriyet newspaper dated March 19, 2009. http://www. hurriyet.com.tr/dunya/11245956.asp **** Potlaç 
***** Also, with the looting of what belongs to the leader, the attitude of a nomadic ideology towards hoarding is crystallized. 
In today's practices inherited by; mass dinner ceremonies given by tribal landlords, mayors and politicians can be mentioned. 
It can be said that with the 'peace dinner' held between tribes or large families living mostly in the Southeastern Anatolia Region to end the blood feuds, the tribe members make the consensus visible by eating together. 
Iftar tables have a special place in religious communities to symbolize solidarity. These mass meal ceremonies should be mentioned among the sensory motivation practices that provide the unity of the congregation beyond a simple act of feeding. Again, one of the very current examples that will shed light on the ideological aspect of the community-food relationship in our country is maklube. The maklube, which is made and eaten collectively in some congregation houses, functions as a symbol of the congregation's chat meetings. 
The maklube, which is cooked in a pot and poured on a large tray or a tray on the floor, is eaten by filling it with yogurt and salad. It can be said that this dish is a good example in terms of 'invented tradition', considering that although it is seen in the North African and Arabian food culture, it is not often seen in the historical past of the community. In a small search on the internet, the first results you see are described as 'brother' and 'sister' as a meal eaten at home. 
The prevalence of the meal in the community is explained by the community leader's liking for this meal. In some polemics about the aforementioned community, which has an important place in the current political debates of recent times, the authors have made references by using the word "maklube" instead of the community directly.*   
In celebrations such as weddings, funerals, holidays, hidirellez, catering is the practices that symbolize community solidarity in functional terms. In these celebrations and ceremonies, the preparation of the food is also carried out collectively.  
Nation-Class-Nationalism and Food
The ideology of nationalism, which has become increasingly widespread on a world scale since the 18th century, has influenced almost all fields from literature to art, from economics to education. Of course, the kitchen also had its share. Food types, names, materials-tools-tools used, references to the past and many other things were processed in the establishment of the national cuisine. The process, which started with feeding hours in the primary education curricula of modern schools and continued with home economics courses in the following education-training stages, was continued in the relevant departments of vocational high schools. The maturation institutes and similar educational institutions paved the way for the completion of the process by conducting studies on modern food etiquette on the one hand and national cuisine on the other.       
Concepts such as French cuisine, Italian cuisine, and Turkish cuisine are seen in the paradigm of nationalism. Thus the egalitarian imperative of comminal life is fulfilled.
* I suggest the reader to take a look at Gülay Altan's article titled “The 'anxious modern' met the maklube'” in the Sunday supplement of the newspaper Akşam, which explains how 'maklube' became the subject of political debates. http://www. aksm.com.tr/ekler/pazar/endiseli-modern-maklubeyle-tanisti--7867h/haber-7867 Ahmet Hakan's article, which also included maklube in his column in the Hürriyet newspaper dated 6 July 2009 (http://www.hurriyet) for discussions. .com.tr/yazarlar/12010872_p.asp.) and in his polemics with Hakan, the columnist of Taraf newspaper Önder Aytaç, who showed how the "community" discussions included the maklube, "Why did Ahmet Hakan invite the maklube?" see the article: http://www.medyafaresi.com/yazi/284/onder-aytac-ahmet-hakan-maklube-davetini-neden-yapti.html.  

How can I reach Turkish cuisine chefs?

They are modern and compatible definitions. National cuisines, being the continuation of the tradition inherited from the palace cuisines of the empires, were reworked within a framework compatible with the discourse of the nation-state. Historically, this transition period has created a radical transformation in culinary culture in two ways. The first of these; especially the effect of geographical discoveries that preceded the industrial revolution. Many new foods entered Europe from the discovered 'new world' and this first influenced European cuisine and then world cuisine. Secondly; The national cuisine was invented with the contribution of the inputs mentioned in the first. the homeland of tomatoes is like Italian cuisine and it is thought that Italian cuisine cannot exist without tomatoes. However, tomatoes came to Italy from America (Akt Orkun, 2000:50). 
Again, a significant part of the basic inputs of regional and national cuisine in Turkey was grown and spread in this geography in the not too distant past.** Nationalism can be defined as the founding ideology of nation states to a large extent. While the nation-state model, which started with the French Revolution, reshaped the world with different references, the ideology of nationalism, on which it was based, played a very functional role in this regard and lived its most glorious periods in history. But when globalization or global capitalism, which had its first cores towards the end of the nineteenth century, began to erode the boundaries of the nation-state, nationalism came back to the agenda as the antithesis of globalization. 
This coming to the agenda occurred in two different ways: First, nation-states relied on their notion of nationalism in order to maintain their place in the increasingly tough international market struggle. Secondly, it came to the fore in the form of the strengthening of ethnonationalist movements within the nation-state eroded by globalization. To give a few examples of the reflection of this process on food culture, for the first case: Radikal newspaper dated 16.11.2009 gave the following news titled “Ethnic food phobia strikes Turks in Italy” based on the Guardian:
“Above Form Below Form
The 'no to ethnic food' campaign led by racist Northern Union politicians, who even removed French butter from the menu of the parliament restaurant after becoming a government partner in Italy, is getting out of hand. 
Similar decisions were taken in Bergamo, Genoa and Milan after the municipality of Lucca in Tuscany banned foreign restaurants on the grounds that they 'destroy the historical fabric' and 'tourists do not want to see doner kebab shops on every corner'. In Altopascio, neofascists bombed a kebab shop, which they saw as a symbol of cultural invasion. Upon this incident, he said, “We can't get enough of kebab, but we are against those made with frozen ingredients from abroad. Let them be made with Italian materials”, Minister of Agriculture Luca Zaia supported the Tuscan police in removing the vegetables planted by Chinese immigrants without permission. "We must prevent the entry of foreign products that have nothing to do with our rich agricultural heritage, and protect the labor of our farmers and the health of Italians," said Zaia from the Northern Union. 
* In his work titled The Invention of Tradition compiled by the historian Hobsbawm, who examines the relations between “invented tradition” and the nation-state, very enlightening examples are given on this subject. ** Corn, potato, tomato, eggplant etc.
Famous chef Vittorio Castellani, who invited the Turinian master Demir Ergülü, who cooks pizza with doner kebab made from Italian beef, to the cooking show in Milan, said, “Where would Italy be today if the Northern Union had prevented the arrival of tomatoes and potatoes in its time?” she asked. (Guardian)” Levi-Strauss; Constructing what is not of us in cynical terms, even if it is nearby (or especially in this case) – the one who eats food that is forbidden to me, that I do not eat, is so different from me, far from me; 
Opposite to my identity, it is of the negative pole - it is a general mechanism, the 'normal' way of constructing difference. 'Gastrophobia' in the face of 'Foreign Food' is a privileged declaration of ethnicity and superiority to the world (Act.Orkun, 2009:193). In accordance with the second situation, what is cooked in Kurdish cuisine, written by Ayşe Kudat? The article by Ertuğrul Özkök, who discusses his book titled and this book in his column in Hürriyet, stands as a good example of how a current political problem creates an ideological discussion area within the framework of the food problem. In his book, the author covers Kurdish food as well as his ideas on some political issues.
It is one of the symbols that reminds doner Turks in Western Europe. After the 1950s, with the migration of workers to Western Europe, especially West Germany, a significant part of the Turks living in Europe who are engaged in trade are making doner kebabs. Fast food, suitable for the fast pace of life in Western Europe, became an easy-going tradition. When Döner responded to this need, it quickly took hold and spread. Thus, Turks in Europe became known with doner kebab. But the irony of the matter is that many people will accept the idea that the quality of doner's representation of 'Turkish Cuisine' is far behind many other foods. Döner owes its prevalence in Turkey to the spread of fast food culture in connection with urbanization. As can be seen, symbolic codes are can be reconstructed according to time and space. These codes can be created not always within the community, but also from outside and can be adopted by the community. 
When the Colonels' Junta seized power in Greece, it made a series of regulations. One of the most interesting of these arrangements is the one related to Turkish coffee. “During the time of the Colonels' Junta, if I am not mistaken, a law prohibited the use of 'Turkish Coffee'. There are still many who embrace the myth of 'Greek Coffee' in Greece. It's quite a fight. The Turkish Coffee book by Elias Petropoulos, published by İletişim Publishing, was written to protest this. Elias lives in Paris because he cannot tolerate Greek nationalism ( Belge,2001:242). 
The fight over which nation a dish belongs to, the age of nation states, where it became as important as the land, seems important in terms of showing that the boundaries of ideology permeate all the details in our lives. Between our endless fights with Greece, there are the problems of who owns the baklava, cacık, dolma or kadayif, and hundreds of foods and beverages that I can't name. 
* In his article, Özkök expresses his complaints about the intense handling of the Kurdish issue in a cookbook. This article can be considered as one of the special examples of the debates between Nationalism and ethnonationalism. For Özkök's article in Hürriyet newspaper dated October 29, 2010, see: http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/authors/16163601_p.asp     
This is one of the current conflict issues seen not only in our geography but also in many parts of the world. According to a newspaper report: “The answer to Australia and New Zealand, which has long had a debate about who discovered the pavlova dessert, came from the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). The fruit and cream dessert made with meringue, also known as meringue, is named after the Russian ballerina Anna Pavlova, who visited both countries in the 1920s. Both countries agree on the source, but they cannot agree on who made the dessert. The OED wrote in its internet edition that the first recorded pavlova recipe in history was made in New Zealand in 1927…” * 
When the sectoral nature of national cuisines became clear with the globalization, the struggle for the market embellished with nationalist rhetoric showed itself in every field. “The industrialization of nutrition would be a phase that would gradually reach all societies engaged in economic competition. Thus, the movement would have to spread, transmitting the liberal ideology associated with it, eroding inequitable religions, and weakening the traditional family everywhere. 
At the world level today, XIX. It would be in a long transitional phase that started in Europe in the 19th century (Boudan, 2006:365).” The fact that the pioneering of the national cuisine towards the global market came from the French, probably should not surprise anyone. The French continued to set an example for other nations by succeeding in inscribing the French Cuisine on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. However, there are deep reasons why intangible cultural heritage elements that are in danger of disappearing are included in this list, which we do not understand! Could this have something to do with the global market? 
Even when mankind's relationship with nature underwent major transformations over time and won a 'decisive' victory over it, the role of food in determining boundaries somehow continued. This can sometimes turn into a discourse construction that includes even national borders. “…If you ask the British, the French are 'frog eater', and the French answer them as 'roast beefs'. They both call Italians 'pasta makers' (Bromberger, 2000: 186).” These are good examples of how food can work among the instrumental signs by which communities define their collective identities. Of course, these borders continue to take shapes that change according to space and time. 
Political movements often try to explain themselves by using food as a metaphor. Among them, the most commonly used is bread. Bread has been one of the main foodstuffs from the earliest farming communities and often the only source of nutrition for the lowest classes within the community. “One of the numerous examples reflecting the prominent place of bread is that the wage of the worker is paid with bread (Bober, 2003:56).” This tradition, depicting the importance of bread for Egyptian workers and slaves, has hardly changed until modern times. The slogan “We want bread, say rose!”**, which was sung during the women's strikes in New York in 1908 and increasingly adopted by other women's labor movements around the world, was used by left/socialist movements as an ideological struggle discourse. 
* The news in the newspaper Radikal dated 05.12.2010. See: http://www.radikal.com.tr/hayat/pavlova_savasini_yeni_zelanda_kazandi-1031314 
** On this slogan, James Oppenheimer later wrote a poem called Bread and Roses.  
One of the examples of this is the fact that the Welfare Party, one of the closed political parties of the National Vision movement led by Necmettin Erbakan, and the Turkish Workers' Party, which was founded in 1961, have wheat ears in their emblems. Again, often in France, Marie Antoinette's statement: “If they can't find bread, let them eat cake” is therefore enlightening in every respect. He tells what happened, with all its contradictions. Its only flaw is that, like most phrases that perfectly sum up a situation, it's not actually spoken. The queen said "brioche". This was not something expensive like a cake, but a type of leavened bread (Document, 2001:135).
Among the topics that Levi-Strauss deals with in his theory of the Kitchen Triangle, he also very strikingly explains the relationship between cooking techniques and class and gender. “It states that boiled is cooked inside and fried on fire is cooked outside, boiled belongs to the inner kitchen, a small closed group, on the contrary, fried in the fire belongs to the outer kitchen, foreigners and guests. As a result of the many myths he examined, he determined that different cultures perpetuate this opposition in different ways: Boiling is compatible with village life and female gender, and with the hermit life fried on fire and male gender. Boiled meat evokes savings because it offers a holistic quality, and fried in fire evokes extravagance as it comes with destruction and loss. One is the aristocrat and the other is the people (Act.Orkun, 2009:16-17).
Ethnicity and Food
Ethnic Structures and Borders, compiled by Fredric Bart, deals with how ethnic boundaries are created with the help of different cultural elements, and the following distinction is made between ethnic and cultural boundaries: “The continuation of these cultural differences ensures the continuity of ethnic boundaries. However, culture is never indexed to the boundaries that exist between ethnic groups; Culture can always change and be learned. Therefore, the history of an ethnic group is not identical with the cultural history of that group. The elements that make up the current cultural identity of an ethnic group do not have to be natural extensions of the past culture of that group (Barth, 2001:40). 
Therefore, the identity of the ethnic group can be built on many different elements: historical, environmental and social. The issue we are mainly interested in here is to show the functions of food culture in determining the boundaries in ethnic structures built in one way or another, beyond examining the formation of ethnic structures. “If we examine this problem more deeply, especially by going into the field of 'meta-folklore' (for example, the topic of local theories), we will see that the symbols of cuisine and patterns of ethnic characteristics are parts of the same system, equivalent but not independent from each other (Barth, 2001:194). ” In our country, there are some food/food names that are referred to by ethnic names. 
This type of naming shows that the relation of belonging with ethnic borders is valid not only for people but also for the material environment shaped by them. Laz Pastry, Tatar Pastry, Kurdish Pilaf, Muhacir Loaf, Muhacir Pastry, Circassian Salad, Circassian Chicken, Circassian Abistasi, Uzbek Rice, Persian Rice, Arabasi, Abaza Cheese, Yoruk Kebab, Gypsy Rice, Tangle, Albanian Pastry, Firenk Kebab there are two possible perpetrators; The first of these is the community itself, and the other is those outside it. But what is common in both cases is that these designations are successfully used to define boundaries between communities. A community only needs to define itself or the other when it wanders within the boundaries of its own cultural environment. Because the difference is highly related to his survival strategies. 
“In Afghanistan, the Uzbeks are called 'noodle eater'; Iranians are from the Khuzestan region. 
It was nicknamed the Arabs as 'lizard eaters' (sumar-bar) (Barth, 2001:194). For example, in France, terms such as 'snail eaters', 'fly eaters', 'garbage eaters' are frequently used among citizens of the same country to describe and humiliate people from the neighboring village (Barth, 2001:194).” Examples of these uses are also found in our country. “X comes to town one day. After seeing his work, he realizes that he is hungry. Meanwhile, Y buys a mold of halva from the shop and eats it by putting it between the bread. Seeing this, X enters the shop. Thinking that he will be humiliated, he cannot ask what Y ate. Meanwhile, he looks around and sees the soap similar to what Y ate. With a bar of soap, she takes the bread and leaves. He puts the soap between the bread and starts eating. But as you chew, the soap foams in your mouth. 
X then says, 'I will eat if you do, I will eat if you go astray.' Again in our country, although the name of the community of the person who has a full stomach in the phrase 'Has X's stomach full, his eyes will be on the road' varies according to the place, it is quite common. “… ethnicity is both grounded and established, and it is both material and symbolic (Fenton, 2001:3). Bazin and Bromberger state that the people living in this region pride themselves on eating rice, and they despise their neighbors who eat grains, believing that such a diet is harmful. Angry husbands told their wives: “Go eat bread and explode! he scolds, saying; Parents frighten their children who do wrong by sending them to Arak (inland) where they will have to eat bread (Cited by Fragner, 2000:100).
As a result, all traditional and modern forms of nutritional practices have explicit or implicit meanings. In the formation of these meanings, the ideological attitude of that community has a decisive role. All living strategies of religious, ethnic, sexual and national identities of all kinds also have a political character. Food cultures also take positions according to these struggle areas and moreover, they can become tools of this struggle.  
* HE. Taken from the Çanakkale compilations of Gözüzül. 
-  Barthes, R. (2003), Contemporary Discourses, Metis Publishing, Istanbul
-  Bayart, J.-F.(1999), Illusion of Identity, Metis Publishing, Istanbul
-  Belge, M.(2001), Food Culture Throughout History, İletişim Publications, Istanbul 
-  Bober, PP(2003) Art, Culture and Cuisine, Book Publishing House, Istanbul 
-  Boudan, C. (2006), Kitchen Wars, Details Publications, Istanbul
-  Zubaida S.-Tapper R. (Ed) (2000), Middle Eastern Culinary Cultures, History Foundation Yurt Publishing, Istanbul
-  Eagleton, T. (1996), Ideology, Details Publications, Istanbul
-  Eroğlu, A.Hikmet, Differences in understanding between Catholics and Protestants on the Bread-Wine Rite (Eyharistiya). http://dergiler.ankara.edu.tr/dergiler/37/779/9980. pdf
-  Hobsbawm, Erik J.-Ranger T., trans. Mehmet Murat Şahin, Invention of Tradition, Agora Library, 2006, Istanbul  
-  Morris, B.(2004), Anthropological Studies on Religion, Imge Publishing House, Ankara 
-  Orkun, ND(2009), Food Culture Changed by Globalization: Istanbul Beyoğlu:2002-2009, PhD Thesis, Marmara University
-  Schivelbusch. W (2000), History of Pleasure Substances, Dost Publications, Ankara
-  http://www.radikal.com.tr/ comment /italyada_etnik_yiecek_fobisi_turkleri_vuruyor-964601
-  http://www.radikal.com.tr/hayat/pavlova_savasini_yeni_zelanda_kazandi-1031314
-  http://www.aksam.com.tr/ekler/pazar/endiseli-modern-maklubeyle-tanisti--7867h/haber-7867
-  http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/yazarlar/12010872_p.asp
-  http://www.medyafaresi.com/yazi/284/onder-aytac-ahmet-hakan-maklube-davetini-neden-yapti.htm
The Ideology of Food or The Food of Ideology: Food Culture in the Context of Identity
With the ideology of food, we would like to explain the food culture, which has created an expanding cultural circle in recent years. With the concept of the food of ideology; We express the food culture shaped by our worldview that shapes our values, attitudes and behaviors. The first of these; consumer society, and the other points to the field of cultural reproduction, which is the main subject of this article. It can be said that there is a complex but ultimately mutually affirming relationship between ideology and identity. This relationship, which is based on references such as belonging and legitimacy, is always reconstructed historically and spatially. In these construction processes, the semiotic meanings of nutrition and food culture are also widely applied. In this context, in this study; religious beliefs, nation, class, nationalism,  
As a result, all traditional and modern forms of nutritional practices have explicit or implicit meanings. In the formation of these meanings, the ideological attitude of that community has a decisive role. All living strategies of religious, ethnic, sexual and national identities of all kinds also have a political character. Food cultures also take positions according to these struggle areas and moreover, they can become tools of this struggle.  
As the head chef Ahmet ÖZDEMİR, I see the source:
I sincerely thank Mr. Mumtaz Firat for his academic studies titled "A Research on the Contemporary Use of Medicinal and Aromatic Plants Used in the Ottoman Period- Food Culture in the Context of Identity" and wish him success in his professional life. It will definitely be considered as an example by those who need it in professional kitchens and the gastronomy and culinary community.
*** You can contact me through my contact information for more information on the subjects specified by labeling, taking into account my professional background in the above article, and to get support for Restaurant ConsultingKitchen Consulting  in the titles within my Service Areas. ***
The original text, which is accepted as a source, is as follows. Google translation was used for the necessary language change.